The differences in policy between center left and left are slim indeed, something that most cons can't even distinguish: Boaz thinks Rogers, Danni, and I are extreme leftists, lol.
And the differences are mostly based on what people think can be stated as policy publicly and still get elected while not holding to a strict ideological position that allows for no compromise; including a willingness to lose if ideological goals are not strictly met.
The difference between center left and left on min wage, for example, was a flat 15 Fed minimum, or a 12 dollar min that allowed states and localities to go to 15 or higher, recognizing that Mississippi is not NY or CA.
Ideology leavened with a bit of practicality and pragmatism base on real world politics, ie; an electorate that has given most of the gov to conservatives in the last few years.
With a .065 difference in the EC last time, there is no reason to think that a stringent, much further left public politics is going to be more successful; it was basically a 50-50 election.
Personally, I'd love it if the electorate would get behind at least the policies the Dems offered last time, and I'd prefer much further left personally.... but if people want to move further left to get more votes, they are going to have to do a much better job of convincing the current electorate that policies that raise all boats, including minority or multicultural boats, won't harm them because that is what swung the election to Trump.
"It Was Cultural Anxiety That Drove White, Working-Class Voters to Trump
A new study finds that fear of societal change, not economic pressure, motivated votes for the president among non-salaried workers without college degrees."
May 9, 2017"
"The Dangerous Myth That Hillary Clinton Ignored the Working Class
To many white Trump voters, the problem wasn't her economic stance, but the larger vision -- a multi-ethnic social democracy -- that it was a part of.
"It's Not the Economy, Stupid.
A new analysis of the election from The Atlantic and the Public Religion Research Institute avoids the usual emphasis on economic anxiety, instead focusing on what it calls cultural anxiety to explain the real estate mogul's strength among voters.
It found, perhaps not surprisingly, that fears about immigration -- feeling like a stranger in their own country -- were much stronger predictors of whether someone would vote for Trump than worries about the economy.
The study also found that party loyalty counted for a lot.
Despite predictions that a significant number of Republicans would break from Trump after the divisive GOP primaries and after so many prominent Republicans -- from the Bush family to MItt Romney -- deciding not to endorse him, party ID was highly predictive.
If you were an identified Republican, white working-class voter, you were 11 times more likely to vote for Trump than if you weren't.
The report presents a torrent of interesting statistics. More than half of the white working-class voters surveyed said they believe whites face as much discrimination as racial and ethnic minorities -- a view that's sharply at odds with college-educated Americans, of whom more than 70 percent believe racial and ethnic minorities face greater discrimination.
The bottom line: Democrats may not be able to win back these voters simply with an appealing economic message, but may have to address their concerns about immigration and the changing culture.